United Arab Republic

United Arab Republic الجمهورية العربية المتحدة (Arabic) al-Jumhūriyya al-ʿArabiyya al-Muttaḥida

Flag Emblem

Motto: الأمة العربية باقية al-Ummah al-ʿArabiyyah Bāqiyah "The Arab Nation Endures"

Anthem: الوطن الأكبر "Al-Waṭan al-Akbar" "The Great Homeland"

Capital                                       Riyadh and largest city                    24°39′N 46°46′E

Official languages                   Arabic

Religion                                   Secular State

Demonym(s)                            Arab                                                   Arabian

Government                            Socialist Republic President                         Gen. Idris

Legislature                               People's Assembly

Establishment Proclamation of UAR       12 July 2082 December Coup              19 December 2113 Arabian Civil War               21 October 2114 TRCC                               24 October 2114

Area Total                                 2,245,600 km²

Population Total                                    80,160,253

GDP (PPP)                               2115 estimate Total                                $2.050 trillion Per Capita                       $25,632

GDP (nominal)                         2115 estimate Total                                $1.382 trillion Per Capita                       $17,254

Gini                                         42.1                                               medium inequality

HDI                                         0.865                                                 high

Currency                               Arabian Dinar (₳D)

Time zone                             UTC+3

Calling code                         +972

ISO 3166 code                       UA

Internet TLD                           .uar

United Arab Republic (UAR; al-Jumhūriyya al-ʿArabiyya al-Muttaḥida) is a sovereign state in West Asia, located in the heart of the Middle East. Encompassing most of the Arabian Peninsula, the UAR has a total land area of approximately 2,245,600 km² (867,000 sq mi). It is bordered by the Red Sea to the west, the Sedrosian Empire to the northwest, Sedrosian Iraq and the Attashkarid Persia to the north and northeast, the Persian Gulf to the east, Sedrosian Oman to the southeast, and the People’s Republic of Yemen to the south. The Gulf of Aqaba separates the republic from the Levant. Like its predecessor states, the UAR possesses coastlines along both the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, granting it immense geostrategic and economic significance.

The capital and largest city is Madinat al-Wahda (built upon the site of Riyadh), while other major urban centers include Jeddah, the country’s principal port, and the rapidly expanding coastal metropolises of Doha, Dubai, and Abu Dhabi. The UAR has a population of about 80.2 million people, making it one of the most populous states in the Arab world. The nation’s geography is dominated by vast deserts, interior plateaus, rugged mountains along the western coast, and fertile oases that sustain agricultural communities.

The United Arab Republic traces its ideological and political lineage to the Pan-Arab movements of the 20th and 21st centuries, most notably the vision of Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser, whose original union of Egypt and Syria (1958–1961) bore the same name. The modern UAR, proclaimed in 2082, represents the most enduring attempt to unify the Arabian Peninsula under a single republic, founded on Neo-Nasserist, socialist, and nationalist principles. Despite decades of upheaval, wars, and internal strife—including the devastating civil war of 2110–2114—the republic has remained a central actor in Middle Eastern politics and an emblem of Arab unity.

Etymology

The name United Arab Republic (al-Jumhūriyyah al-‘Arabiyyah al-Muttaḥidah – الجمهورية العربية المتحدة) revives the title of the historic union formed between Egypt and Syria in 1958 under Gamal Abdel Nasser. In the 22nd century, the founders of the modern UAR deliberately adopted the name to symbolize a new era of Arab unity, independence, and socialism following decades of fragmentation and foreign interference in the Middle East. The word “Republic” (جمهورية) was chosen to emphasize the rejection of monarchism and tribal oligarchy, while “United Arab” reflects the Neo-Nasserist vision of transcending national borders in favor of a pan-Arab civic identity. In political discourse, the acronym UAR has become synonymous with the “New Arab Project” (المشروع العربي الجديد), a slogan promoted by the state since its proclamation in 2082.

History

Revolution and Founding (2082)

The modern United Arab Republic traces its origin to the July Revolution of 2082, when a clandestine alliance of officers—drawn chiefly from the Saudi Air Force—overthrew the Saudi dynasty and proclaimed a new republican order. The conspiracy had ripened for months inside air bases and garrisons from Dhahran to Al-Hasa. Its organizers called themselves the National Liberation Front (NLF), an umbrella that included more than fifty senior officers and generals: the Chief of the General Staff, the Director of the Air Force Academy in Dhahran, the commander of the Al-Hasa military garrison, the former commander of the Mecca garrison, and scores of squadron leaders and staff officers. Contemporary accounts estimate that between two and three hundred people were directly involved in the plot, with sympathetic cells in logistics, signals, and the petroleum security services.

At dawn on 12 July 2082, the coup passed the point of no return. Several Saudi Air Force planes, seized by rebel pilots at Dhahran, lifted off under radio silence and raced inland. At approximately 07:30, the formation struck Riyadh in a coordinated run, bombing the royal palace compound. The raid killed King Faheem and princes Khalil and Fahud; Prince Mohammed was seriously wounded and would never again play a public role. Within the hour, Colonel Daud Rumi—a decorated air officer with a reputation for Spartan discipline—and the civilian organizer Al-Arami spoke over state radio from Dhahran, announced the creation of the United Arab Republic, and declared the formation of a Revolutionary Command Council (RCC). In their first communiqué the pair pledged “Arab unity, social justice, and secular governance.” The RCC’s ideological mix—Nasserists in the lead, with liberals, Baathists, and Marxists represented—set the tone for the plural but state-led politics that followed.

Rumi at the Revolution of 82

The provisional government moved quickly. Riyadh was symbolically rededicated as Madinat al-Wahda (City of Unity), ministries were placed under military protection, and an emergency charter granted the RCC full executive and legislative powers. The Dhahran Air Force Academy became a nerve center of the revolution: its radio studios carried the new anthem into homes across Arabia; its hangars served as warehouses for relief, fuel, and the first print runs of decrees abolishing feudal titles and immunities. A provisional high court, staffed by both secular jurists and scholars committed to legal modernization, began to dismantle parallel religious jurisdictions, an early signal of the secular course Rumi intended.

The September War and the Peninsula Question

The revolution destabilized the brittle monarchies of the United Arab Emirates and Qatar. Opposition networks in both states had long maintained quiet links with the NLF; after July, demonstrations flared in Sharjah, Doha, and industrial towns along the Gulf littoral. The rulers attempted a show of strength and, fearing contagion, banded together, launching cross-border raids that their communiqués styled as “police actions” against RCC incursions. The result was the brief but decisive September War of 2082. The new UAR fielded larger formations, enjoyed air superiority through defector pilots, and benefited from the low morale of monarchist troops. Within weeks, RCC columns entered Doha from the west while loyalist garrisons melted away. The UAR annexed both territories but—mindful of local distinctiveness—organized them as autonomous regions under republican law, with elected councils subject to federal oversight on defense, foreign policy, and strategic resources.

International reaction was mixed. Sedrosian envoys condemned the annexations; several Arab capitals, wary of Rumi’s rhetoric, called for restraint even as street crowds waved the new tricolor. Persia protested vigorously and began courting exiled notables. The RCC, seeking legitimacy, promised a constitution and elections once “counterrevolutionary threats” were neutralized. Inside the council, however, the alliance between Rumi and Al-Arami began to fray.

Consolidation and the Rumi–Arami Split (2083–2084)

Rumi (right) and Arami (left)

The first year of the republic was consumed by a struggle over pace and direction. Rumi, impatient to break what he called the “feudal-petroleum contract,” pushed for sweeping secularization and state planning. Al-Arami, a pragmatic conservative, preferred gradualism and a larger role for private capital. On 26 February 2083, amid recriminations over security lapses and a slowing purge of the old guard, Al-Arami was removed as chairman of the RCC. In November, after an assassination attempt on Rumi—attributed to elements of the Muslim Brotherhood—Arami was stripped of his remaining presidential prerogatives. The crisis ended in 2084 with Rumi’s formal elevation as Head of State and Government, the first uncontested leader of the UAR.

Reform Era under Daud Rumi (2084–2104)

Rumi’s twenty-year rule left the deepest imprint on early republican institutions. He fused Nasserist symbolism with technocratic policy, launching national development plans that attempted to redirect oil rents into human capital and heavy industry. The unification of religious and secular courts proceeded alongside a school reform that introduced mixed-gender classrooms and restored the teaching of evolution to science curricula. Teacher colleges multiplied in Madinat al-Wahda, Jeddah, Doha, and Abu Dhabi, and the Ministry of Education boasted of the first cohort of female physics graduates in 2088.

The National Charter of 2085 codified much of this program. It promised universal health care, affordable housing, vocational schools, women’s empowerment and family planning, and an expanded, professionalized armed force to deter foreign interference. New public hospitals rose along the Red Sea coast; housing cooperatives secured cheap land credits; and vocational institutes attached to steel and petrochemical complexes turned out a generation of technicians. The charter also authorized limited nationalizations and the creation of state holding companies to steer investment into rail, ports, and energy storage. Within the autonomous Emirates and Qatar regions, the RCC’s successors preserved municipal autonomy while harmonizing tax and labor law with federal statutes, easing frictions that had threatened to flare after the September War.

The People's Assembly at Madinat al Wahda

By the early 2090s the UAR had become a symbol in the Global South. Rumi courted decolonized states in Africa and Asia, welcomed students from the Sahel and the Caucasus, and publicly rebuffed both Sedrosian and Persian overtures. This posture—fiercely independent yet not doctrinaire—made the UAR a convening point for development conferences, while drawing persistent subversion from foreign intelligence services. Rumi cultivated a populist intimacy with citizens: he kept an open office hour once a week for petitioners, delivered unscripted town-hall answers, and made unannounced hospital rounds during disease outbreaks in 2096 and 2099.

The reforms were not without cost or contradiction. Rapid urbanization strained water networks; the consolidation of state firms displaced some private merchants; and the security services maintained a heavy hand against Islamist cells after the 2083 attempt on Rumi’s life. Yet by the turn of the century, per-capita measures of literacy and life expectancy had climbed, and the UAR was broadly seen as having eluded both Sedrosian tutelage and Persian pressure. When Daud Rumi died suddenly in 2104, reportedly from a heart attack at not quite sixty, an estimated five million mourners filled the avenues of Madinat al-Wahda. Leaders from across the Arab world attended, and foreign press profiles eulogized a “republican Pharaoh”—admiringly or critically, depending on the source—whose charisma had anchored the state.

Funeral of Daud Rumi

Liberalization, Polarization, and the Idris Coup (2104–2113)

Rumi’s death exposed fissures long masked by personal authority. The vice-presidential slate—Al Ameen, Ali Idris, Amin al-Hafiz, and Arif Abd ar-Razzaq—balanced regional and factional interests; the latter two, associated with the Emirates and Qatar, were not considered viable heirs. Power coalesced around Al Ameen, a right-leaning figure favoring normalization with Sedrosian capitals and privatization of certain state sectors, and Idris, a career airman and party stalwart whose socialism was unembarrassed and whose sympathies lay with the Soviet Federation and the United Eastern Coalition (UEC).

The 2104 elections gave Al Ameen a narrow mandate. His cabinet moved quickly: privatizations of logistics subsidiaries, loosening of labor protections, and austerity in municipal services. Growth initially ticked up, but inequalities sharpened and public facilities deteriorated in poorer districts. In the armed forces, Colonel Idris rose to air marshal, consolidating oversight of the general staff, interior ministry, and intelligence. Parliamentary debates grew acrid; in working-class quarters and

President Al Ameen

 union halls the Communist Party of Arabia (CPA) regained energy; and on the far right, the Nationalist Party of Arabia (NPA) agitated for ethnic chauvinism and the curtailment of regional autonomy. The NPA remained marginal in elections but adept at infiltration, especially in the 1st, 2nd, and 7th Army Corps, where resentment of austerity budgets ran high.

On 19 December 2113, after weeks of rumors and the sudden disappearance of sympathetic editors from the state broadcaster, Idris moved. Armored columns seized intersections in Madinat al-Wahda before dawn; communications hubs and ministries were occupied; airports were placed under guard. By 09:00, Idris appeared on national television flanked by CPA leaders and senior officers. He declared martial law, announced the temporary dissolution of parliament, and accused the Arab Renaissance Party (ARP) government of “betrayal, corruption, and abandonment of the Revolution of 2082.” President Al Ameen fled the capital—his subsequent whereabouts unclear—while Prime Minister Zaynab al-Rashidi and several ARP ministers were detained. Streets filled with red banners and the slogan “Second Revolution,” as the new junta consolidated power under a Transitional Revolutionary Command Council (TRCC).

Civil War and the UEC Alignment (2113–2114)

Idris’s coup triggered counter-mobilization. The NPA, now openly supplied and trained by Persian services, launched uprisings in the south and attempted to spark ethnic reprisals in the autonomous regions. In response the TRCC issued Directive 47-A, placing the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 7th, and 9th Army Corps on heightened combat alert and authorizing search-and-destroy operations against NPA concentrations and collaborators. On paper the TRCC held the bulk of the army, but the 1st, 2nd, and 7th Corps defected, carrying with them depots and artillery. The conflict that followed—short, brutal, and unmistakably international—effectively pitted the UEC against Persia.

Liberation of Qatar

The Soviet Federation, which regarded Idris as a reliable partner, invited the UAR to align with the UEC and dispatched elements of the 1st Red Army to stiffen northern defenses and integrate air defense networks. Japan, another UEC member, contributed ISR, logistics, and naval cover to operations that liberated Qatar from NPA formations and Persian “volunteers.” Ukraine sent two VDV divisions whose rapid-reaction raids severed rebel supply lines and captured key desert airstrips. The TRCC rebuilt loyal formations around air-mobile brigades and expanded drone reconnaissance; in the cities, CPA-organized worker battalions guarded utilities and railheads.

A turning point came when a Soviet maritime blockade throttled Persian resupply. Starved of fuel and precision munitions, NPA units fragmented. The TRCC launched a final southern offensive in early autumn, coordinated from a reconstituted joint operations room that Idris insisted be open to CPA observers as a signal of “civilian-military unity.” By October 2114 the rebellion collapsed. Remnants of the insurgency survived as Al-Sayf, a clandestine extremist network whose sporadic attacks would haunt the reconstruction years.

The Great Recession and the Reconstruction State (2114–2116)

General Al Idris

Victory brought neither peace dividends nor fiscal comfort. War damage, sanctions pressure, and capital flight drove the economy into a steep contraction. Official TRCC communiqués put pre-war GDP at $1.8 trillion and the post-war level at approximately $1.38 trillion; some internal assessments placed the low-water mark nearer $1.14 trillion during the worst months, a difference later explained by the timing of accounting and oil price assumptions. Whatever the exact figure, the shock was severe. On 6 October 2114, the TRCC declared the Great Recession, paired the announcement with a sweeping National Reconstruction Act, and promised national elections “once stability and subsistence were secured.”

Reconstruction policy moved on several fronts at once. To stabilize finance and redirect credit toward production, the TRCC chartered the Reserve Bank of Arabia (RBA) as the new central bank, mandating it to manage reserves, defend the dinar, and issue low-interest development loans. Priority sectors—small workshops, cooperatives, farmers, and import-substituting manufacturers—were offered rates as low as 1.5%. Diplomatically, the UAR secured a 200-billion-OBD loan from the Greater Kingdom of Nexiren, a UEC partner, on terms that were as political as they were financial: a ten-year grace period and a symbolic 2% interest beginning only in 2124.

Construction of the first data center in Madinat Al Wahda

The National Economic Recovery Program began in earnest on 9 October 2114, with an initial $40 billion injection into roads, rail, schools, hospitals, and port repairs, alongside microloans to merchants’ cooperatives and family businesses. Government notices promised 1.5 million jobs in the first tranche, and labor battalions—many demobilized soldiers—repaired railbeds from Madinat al-Wahda to the Gulf. On 8 November 2114, the state founded the Institute for Economic Cybernetics and Skynet Labs to build the backbone of Project Cybersyn-Arabia, an attempt to marry socialist planning with real-time data and participatory oversight. The system’s architecture—Arabynet as a national telemetry grid, OpsRooms in each governorate, Skynet as a quantum-assisted simulation engine, and citizen feedback portals—was meant to replace paper queues and opaque directives with dashboards, alerts, and scenario testing. By mid-2115, prototypes were 78% online in Riyadh and 69% in Doha, and policy debate turned to where to pilot the system—agriculture, transportation, and logistics were named as first candidates—with Phase 2 slated to begin in July 2115.

Infrastructure served as both stimulus and symbol. On 6 December 2114, the TRCC broke ground on a 950-kilometer high-speed freight maglev linking Madinat al-Wahda to Jeddah Port. Designed for 600 km/h autonomous cargo pods and fully integrated into Cybersyn’s predictive maintenance and routing, the corridor promised to cut inland shipping times from twelve hours to under two and to create 85,000 jobs directly and indirectly. In parallel, the government announced a 2-billion-OBD national geological survey to map rare earths, gold, bauxite, phosphate, natural gas, and oil, aiming to diversify export baskets and anchor a materials-science industrial strategy.

By 11 January 2115, macro indicators hinted at a bottoming out. Officials reported that the contraction had slowed—from near −59% at the war’s peak to roughly −35% year-over-year—while investor confidence stabilized on the back of the Nexiren loan, UAR–Yemen energy coordination, and visible progress on transport works. Capital inflows, both domestic repatriations and allied lines of credit, rose modestly. Security, though improved, remained brittle: Al-Sayf cells targeted substations and municipal offices, prompting the TRCC to establish a Security Vetting Commission and to roll out community defense committees under police oversight.

Throughout reconstruction, the TRCC kept a public line on democratization. It scheduled national elections for August 2116, restored limited press freedoms within red lines, and convened a National Dialogue of parties—including ARP figures not implicated in corruption—unions, professional associations, and regional councils. The CPA, whose support had legitimated the coup, claimed that the councils and citizen dashboards embedded in Cybersyn-Arabia would constitute a new layer of participatory planning beyond the ballot box. Critics argued that real power still flowed through the security apparatus. The debate over the soul of the republic—centralized guardianship or pluralist contestation—thus carried forward the unresolved arguments of 2083, albeit in the register of a digital century.